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The Chef and The Cause – V.U. Arslan

on 12 Haziran 2016 - 22:12 Kategori: English



On the one hand the wildest ruler of capital AKP government put into practice the anti-worker attack like the rental worker implementation, on the other hand the country becomes the farmer of Erdogan. In one sense, forced projects of conservatizing unites with nationalism, on the other sense the democratic rights notably in Kurdish areas under pressure.

Unfortunately, in this process the socialist left and trade unions are so ineffective that people pin hopes to stop Erdogan on Abdullah Gül( the ex-president), Meral Akşener( the MHP’s woman member) or USA- FETÖ(a religious sect against AKP). As an example, Communist Party’s journal “The Left” wrote a numerous of essay on this issue, you can understand how excited they are about it. Or one of the most important component of the public opposition in social democrat line “The Republic” journal directed by Can Dündar, in turn, they pin the hopes on Gül- Bülent Arınç front, or for far right representative Meral Akşener, they wrote “She challenges political power” and they pump her position. You may call it desperation. Yes , it is. There is a very famous idiom: desperate times call for desperate measures. People will hope for help from desperate measures unless the left build itself up and collect together around the concrete campaigns. To be fair, we don’t have enough data to hope for building the left up. As Socialist Laborers Party, we have to be the pioneer of this reconstruction process of the left, we have to trust ourselves, and with this process, we have to find ways to struggle. To be able to understand the power balance, to have a conception on the concrete situation, and to observe the class enemies are not to be sniffed at. Contrary, to be able to organize the working class struggle thoroughly, these are the first things to do. What we criticize is that the left organizations and the ones who calls themselves as communists pampering the desperate measures of bourgeoisie.


If we would count Davutoğlu as one of the pampered we would blow out of proportion; yet that doesn’t mean he is insignificant in power block. He was getting used to be president, tries to be independent. He act different from Erdogan in the issues of Can Dündar, academics for peace and Kurdish issue. Decently, he tried to show his independent position. Consequently, everyone realized the separation. The imperialist powers USA, EU that see Erdoğan and others that see Erdoğan as the reason of the instability, appreciated from him. The discussions on the abolishment of visa with EU would be his source of pride when he left. But it wasn’t fated! After his left, the agreement shelved! The appointment given to Davutoğlu by President Obama who keeps Erdogan at arm’s length and the certanity of the welcoming of Davutoglu in USA makes Erdogan angry. Just then, he pressed the button and Davutoglu pell-mell sent.

Thus, Erdogan removed a crack which has a growth potential and take another step about his one man regime. Disappointment, insulted honor, resentment which tried to ignored… Didn’t Davutoglu ignorant when Erdogan sent Abdullah Gül? He knows that he has no right to resent, for now he acts like devoted to his beliefs. But it is unbeknown if this devoted man figure will last. While talking about the devotion, they shouldn’t ignore a point. Now, AKP lost its importance as a party and an institution. The only thing exist is that theChief” and “action”. On the one hand, “Chief and Action” express his authoritarian ruling desires, on the other hand, he describes the regime of Turkey turned to family company.


Some wrote that Erdogan can use the purge of Davutoglu as a chance for U-turn in foreign policy beginning with Syria politics. Then, the relations with USA can be put right. This expectation has some main mistakes because both Kurdish issue and Syria burn its bridges. From now on, it is not possible for Erdogan to accept Esad as addressee, embrace the acquisition of Rojava and other parts of Kurdish area, and awake from the Ottoman dreams which depends on Sunni sectarian politics. Technically, the practicability of such a U turn is another issue, Erdogan attached to this issue for dear life. In the same time, these are not only foreign policy for him. These policies is essential for the polarization in the country for him. Sectarian, nationalist foreign policy cause the voters separated accordingly, thus it means AKP can affect the majority in the elections.


Last April, Davutoglu by saying “If we go back to the position of 2013 May when the time all the PKK militants go out of Turkey and no armed militant exist in Turkey, everything can be talked again”, refer to peace process. It means that a deal which the winner offers to the loser, yet Erdogan flew into a rage: “There is nothing to meet or discuss”. Davutoglu clam up. Erdogan had already taken off his mask of democrat long time ago. He was acting as if he was a democrat because of the power balance necessity and he was discussing peace process with Kurds. Of course, it has been dependig on distraction and deception. Yet when he eliminated his enemies, it changed.

Everything has done to blaze the war before June 7th 2015 election. While PKK disappointed the tries, HDP and its leader Selahattin Demirtaş take off in the elections. But after 7th June, PKK gave Erdogan want he wants and the escalated war works for Erdogan since then. And especially HDP and the public opposition, CHP and even MHP which doesn’t have a political position anymore and engaged to AKP experience crisis. Erdogan is backed by all the rightist opposition and is doing everything he want while the public opposition is in the crisis. Raising nationalism destructs the class movements and the democratic opposition is stopped. HDP totally is off the agenda. While CHP totter on the pressure of its right wing and to take vote from right, to take help from imperialist- capitalists, to be moderate and esteemed; it become ineffective and obscure character. If PKK would hold its ground like before 7th June, It is not hard to say HDP would takes votes of CHP voters. After all, the crisis of the parties which have a leftist voter ground even if these parties are bourgeoisie and petit bourgeoisie, in this circumstances, restricts the public opposition.


Let’s look at Arınç and Gül front that some relies upon. Some come to such ridicilous conclusion that if the country has a future, it will be with Abdullah Gül. If Gül and his followers would came to power, Turkey would be normalized in the border of imperialist capitalist system. This normalization means breathing easy for exploitation system. System is in a deep crisis because Erdogan cares more his own future and his Ottoman dreams than the system’s work. For some, Abdullah Gül is the salvation ticket. Yet, how is that possible? Gül who has a career of being president, why would he try a struggle which he knows he can’t win? Gül who join the wedding of Erdogan’s daughter take a risk of failing politically only trip Erdogan? How many votes would Arınç and his followers could take? Wouldn’t the votes they take result with MHP couldn’t pass the election threshold and bring up a scenario like in 2002? Undoubtedly, they conduct public surveys and if there is a new attempt, a pumper campaign will start. Yet, Erdogan’s voter support is very strong, opposition is weak and with the power he has, he can campaign dominantly. Therefore, Gul and Arınç wouldn’t take a step until the circumstances allow and gain esteem. How will they feel safe then? Of course, they will check surveys and the circumstances. Except that they will check how many people can they separate from AKP. But the easy removal of Davutoglu had showed that a separation within AKP is not that easy. Especially under the condition that a possible an early election, because of the bourgeois political interest mechanism, there is no reason to expect a division in the party. The only thing left is possibility of an economic destruction. It is clear that there will be an economic destruction but it is hard to say that it will bring about an automatic destruction of AKP.


Erdogan is de facto president and advanced adapting the country to presidency and one man regime. With this, leisurely he waits the perfect conditions. To change the constitution he at least should catch 330 deputies in the parlament and he needs14 more deputy. How will he find them? From this point of view, the appropriate time and circumstances, the immediate election option bring up. Opposition is crabbed. HDP and especially MHP has the possibility of not passing the election threshold. CHP is too ineffective. Kılıçdaroğlu can’t take another election. In the manner of early election, even if Gul and Arınç have an intention to get into the elections, they may not have a chance to gather stgrength. There is no raising political figure. Political arena is totally empty . Already, it is enough for Erdogan either MHP or HDP not passing the election threshold. By the way, with the removal of judicial immunity, Erdogan is able to get rid of Demirtas. Still, thanks to the Kurdish national consciousness took root among Kurdish people despite everything HDP can pass the election threshold. And HDP can be backed by people again. That’s why, it is clear that Erdogan focuses on the internal confusion of MHP. If Devlet Bahçeli (the leader of MHP) is suspended and another MHP member woul come to power, this issue would help MHP to collect together and this may ruin Erdogan’s plans. Also, the public opinion may find strange early constrained election and punish him. That can be another factor to stop him. Yet, if Bahçeli stays at the party leadership, it would change the balances. Therefore, in jurisdiction wars, AKP will do its best to gain crisis of MHP which Bahçeli wants. If there will be a separation in MHP under the leadership of Bahçeli, the expectation should be an election in the fall. Well, how realistic project is the project of the united movement of Akşener and Arınç in recent days? Even if the ideological separation let this happen, who will be the leader of the new party? Both side would not accept the other side’s leadership easily. It is an option that Akşener would create her own rote with the backup. Yet, if the backup is not so powerful, the results will be total opposite.


We, of course, will follow the bourgeoisie policies closely and will use this in our own socialist policies. Yet, we will never rely upon them. We have to trust ourselves. What happens now is a rulership crisis.From this crisis we have to gain the most progressive and radical results . Keep in mind that crisis periods mean opportunities, because crisis have the potential of radical changes. Therefore, we don’t have the intention of relying on neither a military coup which would oppressed the Kurdish people and revolutionaries nor USA or Gül. What we have to do is to initiate to create the capability of being together with socialist actors against the enemies, raise the socialist politics of laborers and to leadthe socialist actors to create a united front. We, in force, focus on to build Socialist Laborer Party.


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